U.S. Candidate Websites

House (2018–2024) · Senate (2002–2024)

Archived campaign website text · Version 2.0 · Hanno Hilbig, University of California, Davis

This dataset compiles 799,058 archived pages for 7,353 U.S. House and Senate candidate-years. The dataset expands a prior dataset, ICPSR 226001, with House candidates from 2018 through 2024 and Senate candidates from 2002 through 2024. The 2018+ House candidate dataset can be merged to the Di Tella et al. dataset to form one long panel. For questions and comments, please email hhilbig@ucdavis.edu.

How the data were built

The campaign websites were identified from FEC records and Wikidata. Site data comes from the Wayback Machine, where a crawler followed homepage links one level deep. The coded variables reproduce Di Tella et al.'s text filter and measurement rules, which enables the combined use of the two datasets.

What the data contain

Coverage and limitations

Of 9,848 URL attempts, 7,353 yielded archived text. Capturing a website requires a findable campaign website and a Wayback Machine entry for a given election year. The data contains the initial roster, which allows users to measure coverage.

House coverage (i.e. websites captured among Democratic and Republican candidates in official general election returns) is 69 to 76 percent from 2018 onward. Senate coverage rises from 17 percent in 2002 to about 70 percent after 2008. For House candidates, weighting coverage by votes raises it by about four percentage points. This is because missing sites tend to belong to candidates who received fewer votes.

Website capture rates for House and Senate candidates in general elections. Coverage weighted by votes exceeds unweighted coverage in most years.
Share of Democratic and Republican candidates in general elections with captured websites. Dashed lines weight candidates by votes received.

The dataset comes with a number of limitations. First, 11 percent of records contain little or no text. To measure this, I implemented a text_quality flag. Second, pages captured after the election may reflect changed domains, so the main measures based on full sites have _preelec versions. Third, linked pages can come from nearby dates. Finally, the median record spans 255 days. Pooled comparisons are therefore more reliable than changes within candidates.

Validation

I run a number of descriptive checks to validate the data. First, I run my cleaning and extraction pipeline on 400 observations from Di Tella et al. to see if my pipeline recovers the values produced by their code. This reimplementation step reproduces their published measures:

MeasureWhat it measuresCorrelation
n_charLength of the cleaned text, in characters1.00 (identical)
n_wordsLength in words1.00 (identical)
TTRVocabulary range: distinct words divided by total words1.00
MATTRThe same in a 200-word moving window, so length does not drive it1.00
entropyHow rare the candidate's words are in Google Books1.00

Character and word counts are identical; the remaining correlations are at least 0.9991.

Median document length rises by seven percent at the dataset boundary, from 1,678 characters in 2016 to 1,789 in 2018. Visualizing this (see below) suggests a smooth upward trend in document length that can be observed across the two datasets.

Median characters per House candidate and election year from 2002 to 2024. The Di Tella et al. series reaches 1,678 in 2016; this dataset continues from 1,789 in 2018 to 2,082 in 2024.
Median characters among Democratic and Republican House candidates in general elections. The source changes after 2016.

An additional check on the validity of coded topics uses DIME CF-scores. Below, I show the correlation between CF-scores and topic attention across all records that can be linked to DIME. Topic attention correlations are as expected. I note, however, that correlations within each party are much weaker. This suggests that the topics can distinguish parties but perform worse at measuring ideology within parties.

Three panels of correlations between topic attention and DIME CF-scores, for ballot candidates pooled and separately for Democrats and Republicans. The pooled panel ranges from Welfare State at minus 0.34 to Free Market Economy at plus 0.23; both party panels are concentrated near zero.
Correlation between topic attention and DIME CF-scores. Higher CF-scores indicate more conservative candidates.

Merging with the ICPSR data

The compatible panel can be appended to the 5,267 candidate-years in ICPSR 226001, producing 12,620 candidate-years. I have included R code for this here: download the merge script.

Data and documentation

The README, codebook, and manifest document the five data files. The attempt roster and diagnostics manifest are also available here. Every text row records its archived source URL.

Citation

Hilbig, Hanno (2026). U.S. House (2018-2024) and Senate
(2002-2024) Candidate Websites. Version 2.0. Harvard Dataverse.
https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/BZ2JRS

Please also cite the original dataset this one extends, in case you use both of them:

Di Tella, Rafael, Randy Kotti, Caroline Le Pennec and Vincent Pons
(2025). Keep Your Enemies Closer: Strategic Platform Adjustments
during U.S. and French Elections. openICPSR 226001.

Exemplary descriptive applications

Below, I present a range of examples for applications of the data. First, the data can be used to assess differences in issue attention across candidates of the two parties, both at one point in time (I show 2024 here) and over time. I show this for selected topics in the two figures below.

Party differences in topic attention among House candidates in general elections from 2002 to 2024. The Democratic advantage in welfare state attention widens, while military and law and order attention lean Republican.
Democratic minus Republican topic attention among House candidates in general elections. The source changes after 2016.
Topic attention among Democratic and Republican House candidates in the 2024 general election. Democrats devote more attention to welfare; Republicans devote more to political authority, law and order, and the military.
Topic attention among Democratic and Republican House candidates in the 2024 general election. Topics measure emphasis, not policy position.

Further, the data can be used to assess the amount of information provided by candidates on their websites. Below, I show that candidates in closer races tend to provide a larger set of page types than candidates in less competitive races.

Campaign websites contain fewer dedicated page types as House races become less competitive between 2018 and 2024.
Share of captured House campaign websites with at least three of five dedicated page types. The relationship is descriptive.